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For much of Republican contenders for the presidential nomination tried to keep the commandment at least half in mind.

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During the long sequence of televised debates they have made sure to smile and smile, even while shooting villainous little darts at one another. In mid-December, however, after Newt Gingrich sped ahead of Mitt Romney to become the front-runner, the darts turned into bullets.

Each man is now doing his best to shoot gaping holes in the other's reputation. For the embattled presidency of Barack Obama, this is Christmas come early.

In theory, primaries are all the better for being feisty affairs. The party will in due course unite around a hardened winner whom the primaries have tested along the way.

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But it can be hard to tell when a feisty primary is in danger of turning voters off all the candidates, to the benefit of the other side. This is a danger Mr Gingrich in particular has talked about from the start.

He says frequently that any of the Republican candidates would be a better president than Mr Obama.

He accuses the media of fanning artificial discord. And on December 13th, after one especially bitter rally of insults with Mr Romney, it was Mr Gingrich who tried to call a truce.

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A fine sentiment. But it may be no coincidence that it is Mr Gingrich who seems keenest to avoid negative campaigning.

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With his adulteries, flip-flops and the fortune he made by peddling influence in Washington, DC, the city that in Republican eyes has morphed from a mere capital into a modern Gomorrah, the former Speaker makes a juicy target.

Mr Romney's people note that although Mr Gingrich demanded that Mr Obama should return his campaign donations from Freddie Mac, he refrained from criticising the organisation until his own lucrative contract with it was over. Mr Romney paints Mr Gingrich as a hypocrite who talks about small government but has grown rich by milking the taxpayer. Mr Gingrich paints Mr Romney as a heartless plutocrat.

Even the professorial Ron Paul, the indefatigable libertarian from Texas, has abandoned his avuncular pose and decided that this is the time to slash at the Gingrich jugular. The party is not yet remotely as divided as it was inwhen its moderate wing refused to rally around Barry Goldwater when he became the nominee. It is worth remembering that the smears that soured the South Carolina primary fight between George Bush and John McCain in did not stop the Republicans from squeaking to victory in the end.

Moreover, the Democrats still face an uphill struggle.

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That said, Mr Obama has the luxury of knowing that the Republicans are his only enemy, whereas it is hard to see how Jim Messina and David Axelrod, the strategists plotting the president's re-election from his campaign headquarters in Chicago, could invent more hurtful attacks than those the Republican candidates have started to fling at themselves. And it could get worse. Until recently, Mr Romney looked set to clinch a victory early, leaving ample time for him to train his fire on Mr Obama. Now it looks as though the Republicans might be in for a longer and more divisive primary campaign, with a less certain outcome.

They need someone to be standing at the end of it.

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This article appeared in the United States section of the print edition under the headline "Flirting with fratricide". United States Dec 17th edition. Reuse this content The Trust Project. The Economist Today. up.

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